The main advisor of Bangladesh, Muhammad Yunus, approaches the adversaries of India
After eight months of sustained provocation, which rises to the level of threatening the safety and integrity of India, Delhi decided to give Bangladesh a slight shock. Four days after the meeting of April 4, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the main advisor of Bangladesh, Muhammad Yunus, in Bangkok, India withdrew the transhipment or exports installation of Bangladesh. Introduced in 2020, the mechanism helped exporters of the Bangladesh garment to beat Count and high air rates at home by re -winding the load destined to the west through the airports of Delhi and Kolkata.
The Transhipdo has gained popularity in the last two years: the number of shipments grew by 64 percent in 2024–25, and in terms of value at 46 percent, to play $ 400 million. Delhi cited the congestion for domestic load as the reason to discard the facilities. However, this explanation is not very convincing: in Acneage, only 15 Bangladesh trucks increased with transford load per day.
Do not read it well
The movement of India marks a deviation from its previously consistent commitment to bilateral cooperation. Despite the expulsion of the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5, India continued to collaborate with Bangladesh in all areas, except in Visa operations. In November, Modi’s government approved Bangladesh’s offer to buy electricity to Nepal, in transit through India. Delhi recently retired from three railway projects, but those had seen delays in the Hasina regime. Dhaka could not correctly interpret India’s gestures. In December, Bangladesh discarded a package to share the Internet bandwidth with the northeast region of India. The plans to give the region access to the port of Chittagong have been suspended.
The real problem lies in the priority security area. Intelligence between services (ISI) or Pakistan were always active here. Hasina’s love opened a new opportunity with combat training and armed infiltration reports in Myanmar. In January, Dhaka allowed a delegation by the Army of Pakistan and ISI to visit Rangpur, adjacent to the Siliguri Strategic Corridor, which connects the northeast with the rest of the country.
Bangladesh rules out reports about ISI as imagination figures. But the warmth to Pakistan and frequent visits of the Pakistani high commissioner to the border are too obvious. In a more different development, Bangladesh recently invited China to build an air base in Lalmonirhat. This is in addition to the reopening of the perspective of Chinese participation in the Restoration Program of the Teesta River. Both projects are close to Siliguri.
Beijing used Teesta as a negotiation chip in the last decade, and India made a contradictory. Hasina took advantage of both parties before alerting ultimately with the duration of India, his last press meets on July 14.
Yunus not only revived the controversy, but added new elements to the friction list, all within only eight months in office.
One may wonder if Yunus really seeks the cooperation of India. His fondness for the almost missing Association of Asia in the south of Regional Cooperation (SAARC), in opposition to the Bbin Subregional group, can be interpreted only as a deliberate provocation.
On April 6, only two days before assuming the position, Yunus declared: “If you destabilize Bangladesh, it will spill everywhere, including Myanmar and the seven sisters in Western Bengala.” Who was exactly “you”?
Another intriguing episode took place only one week ago. At the end of March, while visiting Beijing, Yunus welcomed the expansion of the Chinese economy to the northeast of India through Bangladesh. His comments caused controversy. Ironically, this was also the period.
For Dhaka’s own admission, Delhi did not respond to calls for a bilateral meeting in March. The possible toke place meeting on April 4. Modi reiterated India’s position on “inclusive” elections, minority rights, border security and more. Hello, Yunus also urged the administration of Attenuate its rhetoric.
NO TO THE ELECTION
From the beginning, Yunus has not been committed to the celebration of elections. Later he changed the course under pressure, but there are doubts about his sincerity. Left to him, Yunus could prefer a long period of inexplicable power. His Interior Minister clearly expressed: “People want the interim government to stay for five more years,” he said on April 10.
This would serve the double purpose of keeping the Awami League out of politics and crushing the dream of Bangladesh’s nationalist parties (BNP) to return to power. The interim president of BNP, Tarique Rahman, remains in exile.
The newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP) and James-E-Islami are strong sponsors of the non-election plan. The NCP survives in administrative oxygen. James lacks electoral support. But both yearn the inexplicable power.
A group of ideologues, bloggers and marginal organizations complete the antielectoral ecosystem. They are small in number but they are capable or create enough noise and chaos.
The absence of the Awami League, a demoralized BNP and a malnourite Jatiyo party are facilitating the work of the Pro-Yunus lobby.
The writer is an independent columnist
Posted on April 13, 2025
