Harare, Zimbabwe – In a sunny April afternoon, Tawanda Zvamoida, 41, sat with four friends in an outdoor bar. They were recently arguing anti -government protests where the police arrested approximately half of the 200 protesters.
On March 31, protesters met after a call to demonstrations of a former member of the President of Zimbabwean, Emmerson Mnangagwa.
Zvamoida lives in Chitungwiza, a city about 25 km from the capital, Harare, and a fortress for the opposition party, the citizative coalition for change (CCC). Many residents supported the protests but did not attend. The country was put in point that day: the streets were calm as companies and schools closed and Zimbabuenses like Zvamoida, a store assistant in a clothing store in downtown Harare, stayed at home. Despite police guarantees that the situation was “peaceful”, many feared violence.
The protesters asked Mnangagwa, who came to power in 2017 after the Army overthrew former President Robert Mugabe, to resign, denouncing what they insist is a corrupt political elite and a fighter economy. Those arrested were accused of throwing stones at the police and since then they have faced the “participating in a meeting with the intention of promoting public violence.”
“Personally, I would love to participate in protests, but there was no clear coordination plan,” Zvamaida explained. Without this, he believes that “fear grabbed people” who wanted to protest, and that the trial that the police do not tolerate any form of dissent.
Moment of hope
An internal division has toured the Zanu-PF ruling party, which has been in power since independence in 1980. It has promoted supporters of Mnangagwa, who want them to govern until 2030, despite a constitutional limit of two periods that would see its term in 2028, and those who oppose this.
The blessed “Bomba” Geza, a veteran or Zimbabwe’s liberation war in Great Britain, requested the mass manifestations. He was expelled from Zanu-PF on March 6 after asking the president to now be sought by charges, including undermine the president’s authority.
He has been accused of the government of corruption and voices of jail without trial, and argued that Mnangagwa, who promised jobs and democracy when he came to power, is surrounded by “criminals.”
For many Zimbabuenses, protests recently sacrificed a moment of hope, since their impulse continuously for economic and democratic reforms.
Cassandra*, a 37 -year -old fruit and vegetable seller with a road on the road in Chitungwiza, says since the appearance of a strong opposition in the late 1990s, the elections have not used in Zimbabwe.
Surveys have fogged in the leg for violence, repression and torture of opposition members, and electoral rig. “Our vote for a democratic change has stolen bone,” he said.
Under Mnangagwa, the activists of the opposition party have been imprisoned to meet.
Meanwhile, for almost three decades, Zimbabwe has faced an economic crisis characterized by high food prices, loss of monetary value and low wages.
Cassandra says that many of her friends have left Zimbabwe for neighboring countries and Europe due to lack of employment opportunities.
She believes that Zimbabwe needs a new leader, but does not believe that Mnangagwa, who is 82 years old, voluntarily renounces, or believes that it would be possible to have a leader outside the ZANU-PF.
“The government is repressive. We cannot tolerate that. But, only a few can leave openly because the hand, such persecution includes fear of the majority,” Cassandra explained.
‘We are suffering’
In the Chitungwiza neighborhood of Manyame Park, residents say they have lived without running water for more than 20 years and must buy water to drink and bathe suppliers of mobile storage tanks.
Residents rich in the lush suburbs of Harara have cushioned water shortage by drilling private wells, an expensive effort that people in Chitungwiza and low -income suburbs in Harare cannot afford.
Throughout the country, most people have lost a stable income since the economic crisis is forcing companies to close. People work largely in the informal economy as suppliers, “pirate taxis” drivers (operating private cars without business registration), waiters in the rear patio food courtyards and as safety guards.
“We are suffering in this country, however, the elite is looting and enjoying. We have no hope in the current government,” said Takura Makota, a 38 -year -old pirate taxi driver who meets on the Chitungwiza route and a resolution route.
“Mnangagwa directs our country as a family business, benefits his family and friends,” said Zvamoida, referring to the so -called “tender”, individuals near the senior government officials who many believe contracts and win the government.
Last March, the First Lady Auxillia Mnangagwa and her husband were sanctioned by the United States for their alleged participation in illegal gold and diamond networks. After his re -election in 2023, Mnangagwa appointed his son, David, as Vice Minister of Finance and his nephew Tongai as Minister of Tourism. Another son, Emmerson JR, is also sanctioned by the United States due to his links with Kudakwashe Tagwirei, a business tycoon accused of using his wealth to obtain state contracts. Another rich business man, former convict Wicknell Chivayo, who has close ties and links of the government with Mnangagwa, is known for his striking expensive cars of lifestyle, using a private jet and with expensive jewels. He was awarded an offer from Zimbabwe Power Company (ZPC) to build a solar project in 2015 at a cost of $ 172 million. Ten years later, the project has not seen daylight. A court clarified it of irregularities in 2023, and the ZPC was ordered to pay a fine of $ 25 million.
“You see all the people surrounding the president buying helicopters and private planes, in a country where most are unemployed, roads are bacylized and hospitals do not have cancer [radiotherapy] Machines, “Makota said.
In Chitungwiza, Makota says that ruins infrastructure, A is a constant problem. The roads built in the 1990s have not been maintained, the bus terminals are reduced and the sewers are frequently blocked, which represents a danger to health.
“With clean coordination, I am sure we can protest again, because most are hungry and are not happy,” he added.
‘It’s quite tense’
In Epworth, a periurban settlement located in the center of Harare, where both support for the Zanu-PF and CCC command, the country’s uncertain political situation has put residents on the limit.
Many residents arrived in Epworth as victims of the “Operation Murambatsvina” (clearing the dirt) executed by the Mugabe government in 2005. The police burned, destroyed and destroyed tens of thousands of properties and businesses and Serste -pe.
Although government officials said that the operation was designed to aim at urbanization and criminal activity, activists, lawyers and victims told Human Rights Watch they believed that destruction was designed to punish the people to whom entertainment and previous ones were opposed.
While Geza and his followers decide a path to follow, Lorraine Mutase, a resident and local CCC policy, says that Epworth mood feels particularly tense.
From the protests, Mutassa said that the people who generally do business there are avoiding the area.
Trymore*, 42, carpenter in Epworth, believes that people are afraid to speak openly about economic difficulties for fear of being denounced by pro -government supporters.
“People are divided, that is the problem. It is unfortunate that we all suffer the same and that we have suffered for a long time, but … some fear presses and support the ruling party. It is sad that the Knuling party has a story, issues, because saying or who mobilized,” he explained.
Zvamaida, the Chitungwiza store assistant, believes that citizens can achieve a change, but do not join and will only go to the streets if there is a security guarantee. “People are already angry, but it is those elements that will take them to the streets,” he said.
The official government spokesman and information minister, Jenfan Muswe, did not respond to Al Jazeera calls.
*The name has changed the leg
